Fascism: Difference between revisions

Some fools accuse Ordosocialism of being a reactionary, corporatist betrayal of all that Marx stood before. Some fools accuse Serov of being a madman, no better than Hitler himself. These individuals attempt to weaken the revolution with their slander, and defend hereditary reactionaries despite their inherent opposition to the revolution. Serov and his followers will not let these false claims distract them, however, for they have a new revolution to bring forth. A revolution free of the rot that plagued its predecessors.

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|Heralding a new era for the people now stood atop the shoulders of slain giants, a new wave of energy had emerged from the rotting carcasses of empires; a zealous 'Revolutionary Nationalism', materializing wherever the imperialist boot had once tread. Rejecting unequal treaties from London, resource-pillaging from Paris, and imperial diktats from Berlin, this newfound nationalism has roared in the shadows of Europe's empires to repel the horrors and brutality that had once emerged from the colonial office.

Many of these post-colonial regimes govern underdeveloped and highly hierarchical economies as a result of their historical exploitation. However, authorities drive to modernize their countries, often unifying their people around a powerful figure or institution alongside patriotic, and sometimes revanchist, rhetoric. The newly-founded nation remains at the center of all political life; workers are instructed to toil for the strength of the country just as soldiers are told to fight to defend the homeland's recent freedom. Social views on morality and personal autonomy vary, but almost all agree upon a single, unified cultural identity in the face of a new modernity. As Europe lies fractured and limp under the grey jackboot, the liberated peoples cheer to celebrate independence from the masters who could no longer bear the whip.

The aspect where National Syndicalism and Falangism clash the most, however, is their social outlook. While the former advocates for a "Constant Revolution", the latter is ultra-conservative. Falangism also rejects the separation of church and state, and it often advocates for Christianity as a state religion. Its also a very nationalistic ideology, especially when applied in hispanic countries, where it seeks to unite the Spanish-speaking world in something called "Hispanidad". For this reason, South America is where Falangism enjoys the most popularity outside of Spain. It also endorses a form of Christian-based nationalism, which can cause problems in nations where Christianity is not the dominant religion. Looking at it from the surface, Falangism seems very similar to National Syndicalism, but as you delve deeper, the social and cultural differences become evident between the two ideologies.

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|Like most great powers, Japan found itself deeply divided during the interwar period of the early 20th century. At the close of the Great War, it had been a mere 60 years since the nation had begun its transformation from an isolated, feudal society to a modern and industrialized nation-state. No such change would be without teething problems, particularly in the field of economics - after all, the free-market status quo had originally developed naturally, over a lengthy period of time, and the arrival of revolutionary socialism only complicated matters further. From a combination of that era's uncertainties, ideological experimentation, and the new experience of colonialism emerged a uniquely Japanese phenomenon: 'kakushin kanryō', or 'Reform Bureaucracy'.

For such an unassuming name, Reform Bureaucracy carries quite the legacy of cruelty and exploitation. Best realized in the ruthlessly exploited puppet state of Manchukuo, it is unapologetically dehumanizing, corporatist, and even fascistic. To these bureaucrats, economics is a matter of nothing but numbers and well-trained cogs, a series of gears dedicated to expanding the nation's preparedness for war and mobilisation. Drawing upon the 'total war' economy of the late German Empire, the economic rationalization of the Weimar Republic, and the planned economy espoused by many hardline socialists, Reform Bureaucracy's ultimate goal is simple: the complete subordination of the economy to the needs of the state, generally with the military and a politicized bureaucracy as the main benefactors.

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|There exist many variants of Integralism, often affected by the circumstances in which its exponents find themselves. Yet the core principles are very much the same, and have the same basis: that of stridently fundamentalist, traditionalist Catholicism.

Integralism rejects the values brought about by the Enlightenment - those of secularism, democracy, and liberalism - and denounces the widespread societal consequences brought about by the Industrial Revolution as being a disaster for humanity. Instead of embracing 'progress' and change, an integralist will insist that the only way for people to lead moral, dignified lives is through a return to agrarian medievalism, in a society predicated upon hardline Catholicism.

With the fall of the arbiter of International Socialism in the Soviet Union, it appears that the time of the Neosocialists is perhaps now, as both former Socialists whose world-views were shattered by the crumbling of Bolshevism and former Fascists disenchanted by the stagnation and despair enveloping the once-victorious Axis powers rush to its promises and the cures it proposes for their afflictions of cynicism.

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|C.H. Douglas, in his description of a model of economics in which debt-free purchasing power is supplied to all citizens, viewed it as a method by which the machinations of "the inner circles of High Finance" cauld be overcome. Fascists who believe in social credit make the implicit identity of said inner circles explicit. They brand financial institutions, both domestic and international, as Jewish plots for dominance, and seek to overturn this conspiracy with the deployment of social credit.

For the social credit fascists, the influence of Jewish bankers begets the destruction of national traditions. Through their market manipulation, virtue is made worthless and vice made profitable; the people are thus drawn to abandoning God and Country in favour of aimless decadence. To these fascists, it is but another problem of artificial scarcity resolved by the distribution of purchasing power. By subsidising the righteous and making virtue profitable through social credit, these fascists believe that they can restore national values from the moral wasteland of modernity.