Turkey: Difference between revisions

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Now much more moderate in their views, the UDP is slowly gaining grounds with the public with promises of a liberalized economy and political system - but never daring to undermine the regime directly, with fears of anarchy dominated by extreme wings of the political spectrum, or worse, the threat of minority revolts like those Bayar repressed in 1937 hanging in the air.
Now much more moderate in their views, the UDP is slowly gaining grounds with the public with promises of a liberalized economy and political system - but never daring to undermine the regime directly, with fears of anarchy dominated by extreme wings of the political spectrum, or worse, the threat of minority revolts like those Bayar repressed in 1937 hanging in the air.


The Georgians, Thracians, Greeks, Armenians, and Arabs that taste oppression at the hands of local Turkish garrisons on a daily basis all have their grievances with the regime in Ankara; to them, it is no different to that of the fascists in Italy, especially as the economic resources of their provinces are exploited to keep the Turkish heartlands afloat with natives seeing very little of that gain. This situation was further exacerbated by Turkish intervention into Iraq in the 1950s, where Qasim's revolutionary regime found itself attacked by Italy. Rome called, and the eager nationalists of the Turkish Regime lobbied for intervention into Iraqi Kurdistan. While Italy's fortunes soon expired, earning Qasim a generous peace as long as he pledged to nominally align with Italian interests, Turkey successfully wrestled control of Kurdistan, assigning a clique of tribal leaders under Barzani aligned to Ankara as safe-keepers of the buffer provinces and beneficiaries of the oil wealth now flowing into Turkey. With that, the last of the Misak-ı Millî territories fell into Turkish control.
Ethnic minorities that face oppression at the hands of local Turkish garrisons increasingly detest the regime in Ankara; to them, it is no different to that of the fascists in Italy, especially as the economic resources of their provinces are exploited to keep the Turkish heartlands afloat, with natives seeing very little of that gain. This situation was further exacerbated by Turkish intervention into Iraq in the 1950s, where Qasim's revolutionary regime found itself attacked by Italy. Rome called, and the eager nationalists of the Turkish Regime lobbied for intervention into Iraqi Kurdistan. While Italy's fortunes soon expired, earning Qasim a generous peace as long as he pledged to nominally align with Italian interests, Turkey successfully wrestled control of Kurdistan, assigning a clique of tribal leaders under Barzani aligned to Ankara as safe-keepers of the buffer provinces and beneficiaries of the oil wealth now flowing into Turkey. With that, the last of the Misak-ı Millî territories fell into Turkish control.


Minority unrest has become a common feature of political life, and the state turned to more oppressive methods to crush it every time. This heavy-handed militarism soon spread to other branches of government, supported by the military and the resurgent right. By 1962 the title "president" is rarely heard, most commonly substituted for the more formidable title of "Millî Şef."
Minority unrest has become a common feature of political life, and the state turned to more oppressive methods to crush it every time. This heavy-handed militarism soon spread to other branches of government, supported by the military and the resurgent right. By 1962 the title "president" is rarely heard, most commonly substituted for the more formidable title of "Millî Şef."